Swiss Public Televisions
Dalai Lama and Dorje Shugden Part 1
Dalai Lama and Dorje Shugden Part 2
Dalai Lama and Dorje Shugden Part 3
This section is a part of the article ‘Risky Geopolitical Game: Washington Plays ‘Tibet Roulette’ with China’, which is originally published by The Centre for Globalisation Research, Canada. (see here)The author is F. William Engdahls, an economist and writer. In this section, Mr. Engdahl highlights the relation between Dalai Lama and Gestapo chief Heinrich Himmler, Heinrich Harrer, and Augusto Pinochet, the dictator of Chile. Here is the article:
Dalai Lama’s odd friends
In the West the image of the Dalai Lama has been so much promoted that in many circles he is deemed almost a God. While the spiritual life of the Dalai Lama is not our focus, it is relevant to note briefly the circles he has chosen to travel in most of his life.
The Dalai Lama travels in what can only be called rather conservative political circles. What is generally forgotten today is that during the 1930’s the Nazis including Gestapo chief Heinrich Himmler and other top Nazi Party leaders regarded Tibet as the holy site of the survivors of the lost Atlantis, and the origin of the “Nordic pure race.”
When he was 11 and already designated Dalai Lama, he was befriended by Heinrich Harrer, a Nazi Party member and officer of Heinrich Himmler’s feared SS. Far from the innocent image of him in the popular Hollywood film with Brad Pitt, Harrer was an elite SS member at the time he met the 11 year old Dalai Lama and became his tutor in “the world outside Tibet.” While only the Dalai Lama knows the contents of Harrer’s private lessons, the two remained friends until Harrer died a ripe 93 in 2006.1
That sole friendship, of course, does not define a person’s character, but it is interesting in the context of later friends. In April 1999, along with Margaret Thatcher, and former Beijing Ambassador, CIA Director and President, George H.W. Bush, the Dalai Lama demanded the British government release Augusto Pinochet, the former fascist dictator of Chile and a longtime CIA client who was visiting England. The Dalai Lama urged that Pinochet not be forced to go to Spain where he was wanted to stand trial for crimes against humanity. The Dalai Lama had close ties to Miguel Serrano2, head of Chile’s National Socialist Party, a proponent of something called esoteric Hitlerism. 3
Leaving aside at this point the claim of the Dalai Lama to divinity, what is indisputable is that he has been surrounded and financed in significant part, since his flight into Indian exile in 1959, by various US and Western intelligence services and their gaggle of NGOs. It is the agenda of the Washington friends of the Dalai Lama that is relevant here.
Of course, pictures are more powerful evidence:
As a American, have you ever been to Tibet? Do you really know people’s life in Tibet? Have you ever heard the tyranny of Dalai Lama? For most of American people, they are being brainwashed by some media which are controlled by some special interests. Your blindly support Dalai Lama, will never ever improve the human rights of Tibetans, will never ever improve your life, but will definitely help some politicians to achieve their political goals. Being brainwashed, is strongly against the fundamental idea of independent thinking and ultimately against individualism which is cherished by American people.
Here are two YouTube video, I believe you may not see it before. I do not want anyone to accept something, but I hope you can give your own judgment based on diverse and enough sources of information.
It is unfortunate that the Olympic Games is now mixed with politics, which means that some politicians want to use Olympics to achieve their political goals, while many ordinary people all across this world are being exploited by those politicians. Both the Olympic Games and those ordinary people are the sacrifices of politics.
Politicians and ordinary people outside China, when you call on to boycott the Olympics, it is important and necessary to notice the great consequences of boycott. First of all, it really hurt the ordinary Chinese people’s emotion who have been making effort to prepare the Olympics for at least one decade. Chinese people, who had experienced invasions of western imperialism, the bitterness of Communist ideology, and Cultural Revolution, now has achieved extraordinary success in economy, after 30 years reform. Their road was not easy, and they are those people who deserve the host of Olympic Games. Ordinary Chinese people regard the host of Olympics as their own award and honor. You have to consider whether your aim is ordinary Chinese people, or not.
Second, and more important, to boycott Olympics is not only to hurt the emotion of Chinese people, but also to divide this world. After more than 40 years’ Cold War, people all across this world are so hungry to pursue peace and development, especially for those in the developing countries. However, some politicians in western are embracing the old politics of Cold War. To boycott Olympics, let some politicians, such as U.S. Senator Hillary Clinton and Germany prime minister Merkel, build a perfect image of the vanguard of human rights and democracy, however, after the Olympics, nothing will change. The most possible result is the division between China and western countries is widened, while the human rights of Tibetan will not be improved.
If you want to hear the voices from ordinary Chinese people, you can read a latest report from BBC. BBC has selected six Chinese people, to show their thoughts and feelings. Here I give you the URL: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/talking_point/7340987.stm
If you are Chinese, you can express your opinion on that website, BBC will edit and choose someone’s to publish.
This article does not reflect my position. I post this entry because it’s informative-factandtruth
Tendzin Choegyal, the Dalai Lama’s younger brother and follower, said, “Terrorist activities could achieve the biggest effect at the lowest cost.
The violent incident in Lhasa on March 14 — including beating, smashing, looting and arson — exposed the terrorist nature of “Tibetan Youth Congress” (TYC) as the direct planner of the riot. The crimes made the organization look like a kin member of Al-Qaida, Chechnyan armed terrorists and “East Turkistan” separatists.
Founded in 1970, the TYC advocates “complete independence of Tibet” and has fully integrated into the “Tibetan government-in-exile”, entering the power core of the Dalai clique. It has long been involved in secessionist activities.
Speeches by some leading members of the organization and the Dalai clique revealed they would use terrorism to achieve their goals.
Gaisang Puncog, former chairman of the TYC, said, “We could use any methods to serve our cause, whether it is violent or non-violent.”
Tendzin Choegyal, the Dalai Lama’s younger brother and follower, said, “Terrorist activities could achieve the biggest effect at the lowest cost.”
One of the Dalai Lama’s most-trusted subordinates said in a speech to the Brookings Institution in Washington that a few desperate individuals and organizations could trigger instability on a large scale.
In a meeting of its “central executive committee” in Dharamsala, India, the TYC approved a decision to “found a guerrilla movement as soon as possible to secretly enter China and carry out armed struggles.
The organization also made preliminary plans to prepare personnel, funding and arms to steal into China through the China-Nepal border. Some ringleaders even claimed that they could sacrifice at least 100 Tibetans to achieve a “thorough victory”.
It’s not strange for a terrorist organization to plan killing, as the September 11 terrorist attacks have shown.
In January, the TYC announced it would implement the “Tibetan People’s Uprising Movement” and established an organizing committee with Tsewang Rinzin, the “TYC president”, acting as its top leader. It also ran several training courses to teach guerilla warfare and bombing technology.
In February, the TYC held campaigns in Dharamsala to recruit participants for the “Tibetan People’s Uprising Movement” and trained key members for the activity.
What makes the TYC a terrorist organization is not only what it has said but what it has done. Police in Lhasa seized more than 100 guns, tens of thousands of bullets, several thousand kilograms of explosives and tens of thousands of detonators, acting on reports from lamas and ordinary people.
These figures, in addition to the deaths of more than a dozen ordinary people in the Lhasa riot, show that the TYC is no different from Al-Qaida, Chechnyan armed terrorists, “East Turkistan” separatists and any other terrorist organization.
Under Chinese law, terrorist organizations are those which use violence to threaten national security, sabotage social stability, harm people and damage their property, those which have leaders and assigned missions, and those which have organized, planned, instigated, implemented or participated in terrorist activities, or are carrying out such activities.
Such groups also include those having built bases for terrorist activities, systematically recruited and trained terrorists, collaborated with international terrorist organizations to sponsor, train and cultivate terrorists, and have participated in terrorist activities.
Judging by these criteria, the TYC is a terrorist organization in a pure sense.
This article is written by Heather Benno, an organizer in the anti-war movement and the immigrant rights movement. She is a volunteer organizer of the ANSWER (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism) Coalition in Chicago. Benno is also an immigrant rights attorney.
Sunday, April 6, 2008
By: Heather Benno
From the book “China: Revolution and Counterrevolution,” published January 2008
Asked to describe their image of Tibet, most in the West would give the Hollywood version of reality: a nation of peace and spiritual harmony, where gentle monks live humbly side-by-side with a rustic peasant population at one with nature. In this image, it is hard to imagine the need for a government with a population so docile and free of conflict.
This image has been propagated by the imperialist media. It is contrasted with the counter-image of peaceful Tibetans brutally repressed by Chinese troops. In fact, public awareness of Tibet in general rises and falls with the periodic anti-China demonization campaigns conducted by the U.S. State Department and its agents.
China: Revolution and Counterrevolution
To read more from China: Revolution and Counterrevolution, click this link to purchase your copy.
This view fails to reflect the reality of Tibetan workers and peasants under the theocratic political rule of the Dalai Lama, the title of the traditional Tibetan head of state, who is supposedly the reincarnation of a spiritual leader from the 14th century. That rule ended abruptly in 1959, when the Dalai Lama’s troops based on Tibetan landowners and elites were defeated by the Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army.
Tibet is an autonomous region of China, meaning that it is an integral part of China and is under the ultimate authority of the Beijing government, but enjoys wide self-governing powers. Tibetans are among the approximately 56 distinct nationalities in China. Within Tibet, other nationalities include Moinbas, Lhobas, Naxis, Huis, Dengs and Sherpas.
Few in the United States would know that the elected chair of Tibet’s regional government is Qiangba Puncog, a former factory worker who joined the Communist Party of China in 1974 and spent his life in public service. Instead, U.S. propaganda has been such that Tibet is almost synonymous with the Dalai Lama, the head of the “Tibetan Government in Exile.”
This so-called government in exile, representing the former religious ruling class, is fully funded and supported by the United States. U.S. imperialist politicians and spokespeople routinely show their support for the Dalai Lama as a way of diplomatically needling the Chinese government. For example, on Oct. 17, 2007, the U.S. Congress awarded the Dalai Lama the Congressional Gold Medal of Honor—the U.S. government’s “highest civilian honor.”
When Iraq war supporters and supporters of militarizing the U.S.-Mexican border portray the Dalai Lama as “a unifying voice for global peace” and a holy man, the truth must be quite different. That can be seen by looking at the historical record of those who now try to speak in the name of Tibetan people.
Tibet became part of the Chinese empire in the 13th century, when it was conquered by Genghis Khan. Life in Tibet in the subsequent centuries was characterized by Buddhist clan fighting and feudal economic relations.
The political rule of the Dalai Lamas began in 1578. The Dalai Lamas were like god-kings, using their religious authority alongside brutal repression to govern Tibet. In 1660, for example, the fifth Dalai Lama directed the Mongol army to “obliterate the male and female lines, and the offspring too ‘like eggs smashed against rocks. … In short, annihilate any traces of them, even their names.’”1
In his book “Buddha’s Not Smiling: Uncovering Corruption at the Heart of Tibetan Buddhism Today,” Erik D. Curren describes life under the Dalai Lamas: “History belies the Shangri-La image of Tibetan lamas and their followers living together in mutual tolerance and nonviolent goodwill. Old Tibet was much more like Europe during the religious wars of the Counterreformation.”2
Tibet under the lamas was characterized by feudal economic and social relations. The source of power and wealth was land. Land, in turn, was divided among the monasteries, the nobility and the Lhasa government.
Tibet is 70 percent grassland and its economy has always been agricultural. Until 1959, most of the arable land was organized into manorial estates. These estates were owned by elite landowners or rich monasteries and were worked by serfs. Most rich monasteries amassed wealth through active participation in trade, commerce and money lending. Children were conscripted from poor families against their will to join monasteries at a young age and work for life.
Second in political power to the lamas was a feudal hereditary aristocracy. Most descended from an aristocracy dating back to before the Mongolian invasion. The commander-in-chief of the Tibetan army, a member of the Dalai Lama’s cabinet, owned 4,000 square kilometers of land and 3,500 serfs.3
The vast majority of Tibetans were serfs or peasants. Others occupied lower ranks in the social hierarchy as slaves and beggars. Serfs faced a lifetime of servitude at the disposal of lords and the monasteries. They were bound to the land without pay and they had no access to education or medical care. Serfs raised livestock and field crops and transported their lords on demand. They could not even choose to marry without the consent of a lord or a lama.
Serfs were heavily taxed by both the aristocratic landowners and monasteries. Taxes supported the rule of the theocracy. Serfs were taxed upon marriage, childbirth and death. Taxes were also levied for, among other activities, planting trees, keeping animals, religious festivals, going to prison, being unemployed and travel. If the taxes were not paid, the debt was either handed down to family members or paid by a monastery at up to 50 percent interest. Those who could not pay faced slavery.4
Entering the 20th century, Asia was a battleground for the world imperialist powers. Tibet was no exception. In addition to its forest and mineral wealth and proximity to oil, Tibet occupied a strategic geopolitical place in Asia. Tibet borders India and Nepal to the south. British and U.S imperialism looked to Tibet as a gateway to the heart of China.
In 1904, British troops from India invaded Tibet. Maj. Francis Younghusband led an expedition to seize Lhasa, carrying out several massacres along the way. After seizing the capital, Younghusband forced officials there to sign a treaty recognizing British mercantile interests in Tibet. In 1906, the British imposed similar terms on the disintegrating Chinese regime. China had by that time been forced to sign unequal treaties with all the imperialist powers.
In 1911, the Chinese empire collapsed in the face of a revolutionary military uprising. In 1912, Sun Yat-sen declared China a republic. In the power struggles that followed, central authority weakened as power was dispersed to various warlords across China. Tibet essentially functioned as an separate entity—still under the protection of Britain—although no government in the world recognized independence.
After the revolution
The victory of the 1949 Chinese Revolution marked a turning point for Tibet. In 1949, the Communist Party of China had drafted a constitution that included the provision that “all Mongolians, Tibetans, Miao, Yao, Koreans and others living in the territory of China shall enjoy the full rights to self-determination.”
No area constituted a greater challenge for the communists than Tibet. The CPC had decades of practical experiences in dealing with the complicated problems of building unity with the many oppressed peoples and nationalities throughout China. During the historic Long March of 1935, Mao led the 7,000-plus-mile retreat from southern China. In each region, with the exception of Tibet, the communist-led Red Army was able to negotiate terms of friendship with the national minorities, who provided food and shelter for the retreating peasant army.
In Tibet, the local population was still so much under the domination of the religious ruling class that the communists made little progress. The Red Army was met with so much hostility that they could not buy food from the local populace and thus they had to forcibly procure what they needed to survive. Mao described these problems to the world-famous chronicler of the Chinese revolution, Edgar Snow.
“This is our only foreign debt, and some day we must pay the Mantzu (sic) and the Tibetans for the provisions we were obliged to take from them.”5
It is likely that China would have proceeded very cautiously with the introduction of central government control, and especially socialist measures in Tibet, had it not been for international factors. Shortly after the United States invaded Korea in June 1950 under the mantle of the United Nations, the Tibetan ruling-class political parties appealed to the same United Nations to intervene in Tibet.
Ironically, the Soviet Union was boycotting the U.N. Security Council as a protest against the refusal to seat the People’s Republic of China in the Security Council following the 1949 victory. Thus, the United Nations was turned into a complete puppet for U.S. foreign policy. At the same time that China was preparing to send more than a million soldiers to fight against advancing U.S. troops on its eastern border in late 1950, it made the decision to also move its army into Tibet on its western border.
In 1950, the first units of the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibet. As the first presence of Chinese authority in nearly 40 years, the revolutionary army was initially greeted with distrust. Tibetan lords and monasteries in particular feared the new armies, because they feared that the Chinese communists would redistribute land and endow serfs and slaves with rights.
But the Chinese communists came armed with a Leninist position on national minorities—expressed in their recognition of the right to self-determination—and the class loyalties of peasants of all nationalities. When Tibetan aristocrats tried to militarily block the PLA from entering Tibet, most of the peasant troops defected and crossed to the side of the communist troops.
In May 1951, Tibetan and Chinese leaders signed the “Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Tibetan Local Government on Measures for Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” This agreement, known as the 17-Point Agreement, recognized that “the Tibetan people shall be united and drive out the imperialist aggressive forces from Tibet; that the people of Tibet shall return to the big family of the motherland, the People’s Republic of China.” Guided by the principle of self-determination, the agreement recognized the rule of the Dalai Lama and the freedom of religion. It further recognized and promoted the Tibetan language and culture.
Over the next years, a class struggle emerged in Tibet based on the continued existence of the old feudal ruling class coexisting with the Chinese revolution’s advancing of workers’ and peasants’ rights. The new revolutionary central government concentrated its efforts and resources on building schools, roads and highways in Tibet. The Chinese also distributed newspapers and introduced telephone and postal service. Communists built hospitals and health clinics in rural regions of Tibet where people had never seen health care. Interest rates were reduced, although the communists did not initially confiscate any estates.6
As land reform efforts gained momentum, however, the hostility of the Tibetan feudal lords mounted. Meanwhile, U.S. and British imperialists saw the opportunity to regain influence in the region and at the same time roll back communist influence.
Beginning in the early 1950s, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency began to train counterrevolutionary military units in Tibet. Many of those recruited were members of the former elite. Gyalo Thondup, for example, the Dalai Lama’s older brother, coordinated military action with the CIA from a U.S. base in India and Nepal.7
In 1956-57, CIA-trained rebel forces in Tibet attacked a PLA outpost in Lhasa.8 The rebel militias disintegrated, however, failing to win public support. In March 1959, landlord-backed rebels marched into Lhasa, killing or wounding anyone suspected of cooperating with the revolutionary government. Despite this, PLA troops stayed in their barracks for 10 days.
Journalist Anna Louise Strong reports the explanation she was given by PLA officials:
“The ‘kasha’ was still the lawful government and the people of Lhasa had not yet taken sides. In such situations, our strategy is always never to start or develop the fighting but let the enemy start it and continue it until it is fully clear to all people who are the aggressors and the destroyers of law. Then, when we counter attack, we have the people with us, their support shortens the fighting and lessens the casualties in the end. The rebels lost the people of Lhasa in those ten days.”9
Following the failure of this reactionary armed uprising in 1959, the Dalai Lama fled to India to establish a new “government in exile.” The Chinese government recognized the authority of the second most influential lama, the Panchen Lama, in the Dalai Lama’s absence. Former serfs voted for the first time ever in 1961. In 1965, China recognized the Tibetan Autonomous Region.
From the early 1960s until 1973, “Khamba” contras carried out attacks on Tibet from bases in the Walanchung-gola and Mustang regions of Nepal. The “Tibetan Government in Exile” received approximately $1.7 million per year from the CIA. Contras were airlifted into Tibet for attacks against the government.10
In the subsequent decade, the religious theocracy was dismantled, bringing about a very different social structure in Tibet. Slavery was abolished, many of the taxes were eliminated and serfs were given paid employment on new civic projects, such as establishing running water and building infrastructure.
The fruits of liberation
Today, monasteries are open in Tibet and monks are free to practice their religion. In the new social structure, religion is no longer used as an instrument of repression.
Economic development, a goal for all of China, has been even more vital in Tibet as one of the most underdeveloped regions of an underdeveloped country. Gross domestic production grew by a factor of 30 between 1951 and 2000. In 1950, there was a single 125-kilowatt power station in the entire region; in 2000, there were 401 power plants producing 356,200 kilowatts.
In pre-revolution Tibet, there were no schools at all. Education was the sole province of the monasteries. By 2000, 86 percent of school-age children were enrolled in schools.
Even relative to the rest of China, conditions in Tibet are becoming comparable. In 2000, the number of hospital beds and doctors per thousand population is higher than for China overall.11
None of these gains would have been possible under the old imperialist-backed ruling class.
In fact, it is precisely regions like Tibet—among China’s least developed regions—that stand to lose the most in the event of a counterrevolution in China. Tibetans would find themselves in the position of the citizens of the Caucasus or other poorer republics of the former Soviet Union, who have seen unemployment and poverty skyrocket since the restoration of capitalist rule in 1991.
Tibetan workers and peasants—like workers and peasants from the other national minorities in China—undoubtedly weigh the benefits of unity with China against the exiles’ misleading promises of the green pastures of independence.
For that reason, socialists and progressive people have nothing in common with the “Tibetan government in exile” or the Dalai Lama.
The article is originally published in http://www.pslweb.org
This happened in Paris. The wild Free Tibet supporter attacked a young girl with disability during the Olympics torch relay. It’s believed this African French is employed by Dalai Lama and his supporters, to disturb the Olympic torch relay.
A young Chinese torchbearer captured thousands of Chinese hearts yesterday when she protected the Olympic torch from repeated assaults by Tibetan activists in Paris.
Jin Jing, 27, known as the “Smiling Angel in a Wheelchair” by her friends, is herself an athlete, a fencer. She was supposed to be the third torchbearer on the Paris route, but the plan was changed because of the chaotic protests. The torch was eventually passed to her on the banks of the Seine River.
But before she could take the flame several protestors threw themselves at Jin and her two companions, one of whom is blind. Jin appeared a little scared but protected the torch from the activists, who were then dragged away by French police.
Jin Jing told the press she was very upset and angry when the incident happened. Today her image was published on many online forums and news sites, accompanied by messages of support from ordinary Chinese people who praised her bravery and condemned the brutality of her attackers.